Monday, May 2, 2011

Chase Field


Source: http://www.stadiumseatingchart.info/wp-content/uploads/2010/02/Chase-Field-Birds-Eye-View.jpg

 401 East Jefferson Street, Phoenix, AZ 85004

            We picked this site most of all because of the interesting link with sports and race and inequality, along with our interest in sports. On and off the field, Chase Field has the makings of space and the subtle signs of race and space. The stadium’s construction and cost were so controversial that the stadium cost was partially funded by a tax increase in 1994—without the approval of voters.  This led to county supervisor Mary Rose Wilcox being shot and wounded by a homeless man who resented the tax increase (Los Angeles Times). Nevertheless, construction commenced, and was ready just in time for the 1998 season, the first season for the expansion Diamondbacks.
            However, controversy has followed Chase Field and the Diamondbacks through the years. During the legal and social battles with the state immigration bill SB1070, and Chase Field being the host site for the 2011 All-Star game, many minority (mainly Latino players) baseball players have said they will boycott the game in protest of the bill, most notably Yovanni Gallardo of the Milwaukee Brewers, who says "If the game is in Arizona, I will totally boycott”. Like players, many prominent celebrities, activists, and politicians have all called for the game to be boycotted, or moved entirely to a different city by Commissioner Bud Selig. However, despite the political, economic, and social outrage, activism had very little affect, as the commissioner has kept Chase Field as the venue of choice and the date set for July 11, 2011. 
            In regards to the themes related to the class, white privilege and environmental racism definitely come into play. Before the construction of the stadium, Chase Field was home to a small Chinese-American community, but was forced to vacate due to the popular demand of a downtown park. Similar to Chavez Ravine at Dodger Stadium in Los Angeles, significant populations of minorities were forced to leave their respective places of settlement with little options or alternatives for the situation or relocation. Unlike the Chase Field tax approval and construction, Dodger Stadium was on a ballot and got approved by the majority of local voters in 1958 (United Press International). In Laura Pulido’s reading, “Rethinking Environmental Racism: White Privilege and Urban Development in Southern California,” she emphasizes that “white privilege is a highly spacialized and structuralized form of racism” (2). This meaning relates perfectly with our understanding of racism and space and equality when examining our sites, particularly Chase Field, and the continuing distance created between white and non-whites. 

- Brandon Crockett, Jerilyn Forsythe, and Neil Lokare

http://articles.latimes.com/1998/may/05/news/mn-46618, Los Angeles Times. Web.
http://www.latina.com/lifestyle/news-politics/latino-baseball-players-consider-2011-all-star-game-boycott-az
"The Dodgers Settle Down at Last in Chavez Ravine". New York Times. April 10, 1962, Tuesday. "Los Angeles, April 9, 1962 (United Press International) Eager citizens, proud civic leaders and jubilant baseball dignitaries today joined to dedicate the Los Angeles Dodgers' new multimillion-dollar 56,000-seat stadium in Chavez Ravine."
Pulido, Laura. "Rethinking Environmental Racism: White Privilege and Urban Development in Southern California." 90.1 (2000): 2. Web.

Food City


Food City in Phoenix filled with shoppers of all ethnicities, but predominantly Hispanic/Latino (all photos by Andrew Candelario, Chris Rutherford, and Orlando Menjivar)
Baked goods case at Food City
Spices at Food City

 Many locations throughout the Phoenix area

Food City is a grocery store that offers a full range of ethnic and Hispanic food varieties. Food City is an Arizona themed grocery store that was bought out by Bashas’ in 1993. Nothing in the store’s name suggests that the store focuses on Hispanic foods, but inside, most stores offer various Hispanic-themed foods. Because it is the store has Hispanic themed foods many Hispanics, Latinos, and Mexicans are attracted to this store for food from their heritage, this means many illegal immigrants from Mexico are attracted to this store as well. Latino-aimed businesses like privately held Food City in Phoenix is an example of how integrated Arizona is with its Mexican neighbors and how the border issue is much more complicated than simply who is here legally or not.
With many laws in Arizona such as SB-1070 many illegal immigrants are afraid that public bus drivers are asking passengers for papers, that landlords are evicting tenants who can't prove they are citizens, and that the sheriff is going to start sweeping for illegal immigrants at Food City. Because of the loss of illegal immigrants from these laws, Arizona’s economy has suffered from this loss. Bashas' Supermarkets have closed several Food City stores in predominantly Latino neighborhoods in Phoenix and Glendale. Some analysts said this “reflected the beating many businesses have taken as a result of an exodus of Latino immigrants and their families.”1
 In 2008 an organization known as No More Deaths backed an effort by the United Food and Commercial Workers to unionize a chain of Food City grocery stores. Their particular interest was to protect illegal workers who where being let go when discovered.  Food City serves very diverse economic communities by offering price and quality, presenting food-shopping opportunities to a boarder section of families and provides both an English and Spanish websites.2 Due to Food City being predominantly Hispanic themed many illegal immigrants are not only shopping at Food City but several are even employed there. With immigration being as bad as it’s been, many ICE agents and border patrol agents have surveillanced Food Cities looking for illegal immigrants.
This has clearly been an act that has gone under the radar and is not discussed much in scholarly articles or in the news. Though scoping Food City is not completely unjustified as it has been noted that people have been found at food city that’ll hand out business cards stating “they’re in the business of providing fake documents.”3 These laws put Hispanics/Latinos citizenship into question, and cause racial profiling at food city with government officials, border patrol agents, and non-Hispanic/Latino citizens. Through my experience you may be able to identify a person now and again who may not actually be a citizen at a Food City location. It’s important to acknowledge that although there is very few times that border patrol or ICE agents are investigating these stores, racial profiling is occurring at these locations to find illegal immigrants. 
- Andrew Candelario, Chris Rutherford, and Orlando Menjivar
References:
 

Mill Avenue - Project S.I.T.

Under Sec. 29-70, sitting on a tree planter would incur a fine (photo by Andrew Candelario)
Mill Avenue, Tempe

Sec. 29-70, also known as a ”sit-lie” law stated, “no person shall sit or lie down upon a public sidewalk or upon a blanket, chair, stool, or any other object not permanently affixed upon a public sidewalk or median.” However, this law does not apply to those that are sitting or lying down due to a medical emergency, disabled and needs a wheelchair, operating a commercial establishment pertaining to a parade, festival, performance, rally, demonstration, or meeting, sitting on a chair or bench supplied by a public agency, sitting within a bus zone while waiting for public or private transportation.1
This "no sitting on the sidewalk" ordinance was created by the anti-homeless legislation, which prohibited sitting and lying down on sidewalks. In 1999 the community challenged this law in Tempe, Arizona, arguing that this law was “unnecessary, cruel, unusual and really just plain asinine.” When the law had passed, community activists and homeless people launched media campaigns toward the city council chambers. The community protested against the no-sitting law by sitting in front of city council stating it was criminalization of homelessness in general. Coincidently, the law took effect on Martin Luther King Day, which was used in the protest since sitting was an important form of legitimate social protest.2
Although these laws were aimed at homeless people, they were diminishing everyone's rights in the process creating a lawsuit that was filed in federal district court against Tempe's sit-lie law. The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals, in a case arising out of Seattle, had previously upheld this law. The Arizona federal judge wound up issuing an injunction against the Tempe law and thus wiping it off the books on First Amendment grounds.2
Shortly after, a special hearing was held at the ASU College of Law, overturning this decision on an appeal by the Ninth Circuit. In the process of litigating the case and organizing in the streets, many crucial facts that ultimately tipped the balance were brought to light, including: the removal of benches in the downtown area, the privatization of some of the sidewalks, the lack of adequate alternatives such as shelters in the city, the elimination of public restroom facilities and the inordinate influence that the business community had on the city council.2             Though at the end of it all, it was a victory for homeless people everywhere. The courts saw this law of jailing homeless people as a violation of the 8th Amendment of the Constitution, which bars cruel and unusual punishment.3 Therefore, the law was abolished and put to an end.
Here are some similar Arizona laws aimed at homeless people:
                Phoenix law that makes it illegal to bring a sleeping bag into a public park.
                Tempe laws that make eating or preparing food in a park Illegal.
                Tempe laws that make it illegal to sleep in a park even when the park is open.
                Phoenix law that makes it illegal to have a shopping cart in a park
- Andrew Candelaria, Orlando Menjivar, and Chris Rutherford
References:

Phoenix Indian School (Steele Indian School Park)

Apache children wearing traditional clothing when arriving to the Indian School (Source: U.S. Army Signal Corps, courtesy of the Arizona Historical Foundation)

The same children would later switch to uniforms (Source: U.S. Army Signal Corps, courtesy of the Arizona Historical Foundation)
300 N Indian School Road (3rd Street Entrance), Phoenix, AZ  

The Federal Government established The Phoenix Indian School in 1891.  The institutions purpose was to use forced assimilation tactics on Native American youth to promote a more civilized “American” lifestyle.  The Archeology of Phoenix Indian School notes, “The Phoenix Indian School was an instrument of the federal government's Indian policy, which can best be described as Anglo-conformity.” Native American youth were gathered from countless tribes in surrounding areas and were forced to attend the boarding school.  The state institution ran the school in a military format in which discipline was highly stressed. New students were forced to forget about their native culture and traditions and acquire “whiteness” through practice.   For instance, students were discarded of their traditional “savage” clothing in favor of marching uniforms.  In 1905,  The Phoenix Indian School Newspaper published Robert Lewis’s speech after graduation, “The boy is filled with sorrow, to think he can no longer enjoy the freedom of his home, and live with those he loves. He must soon be placed in the care of the pale-face, whom he can not fully trust. He can no longer listen to his father's stories and legends of the past. The feathers and paint, with which he loves to ornament himself, must be renounced” (The Archeology of Phoenix Indian School). This speech was significant because it showed the overwhelming hegemony of the white population over everyone else in the United States. The “white” leaders exploited their desire to maintain power by developing institutions such as the Phoenix Indian School to continue to maintain control in the future by denying every culture but their own. Moreover, they did so without consequence even if it meant violating their own statues. For example, the Archeology of Phoenix Indian School describes the student’s mandatory church attendance, “Students who did not attend church were punished. In 1934, religious freedom was established and compulsory attendance of religious services was eliminated in 1934 according to federal policy, but in practice punishment for not attending church continued through the 1960s.” Through such practices, the government showed its intent to fully assimilate Native American youth even by the means of depriving their traditions. Though assimilation was highly  promoted by the “white” government, their goal was to maintain hegemony not create equality amongst whites and Indians, especially when the school’s early slogan stated, “Be a Phoenix Indian, not a Reservation Bum” (White Bison Org).

- Orlando Menjivar, Chris Rutherford, and Andrew Candelaria
  
References:
http://www.archaeology.org/online/features/phoenix/                 
http://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=9E07EFD71730E033A25756C0A9619C94679ED7CF

Downtown Phoenix - SB 1070 Protest

May 20, 2010 "Alto Arizona" protest taking place at the Arizona State Capitol building (http://www.seiu.org/images/PhoenixSB1070Rally_kids1.jpg)
Flyer pronoting the "Stop Arizona" rally (http://1.bp.blogspot.com/_NyAtrnIJuVc/S_RnPAO28dI/AAAAAAAAACI/ayQWJY6Ihyc/s400/May+29th+Arizona+pic4.jpg)

From Steele Indian School Park to the Arizona State Capitol Building (1700 W. Washington St, Phoenix, Arizona)
The state of Arizona has been the boiling pot of recent Immigration Policies due to its close proximity to the United States-Mexico Border.  New policies such as Senate Bill 1070, included provisions that obligate police officers to question people of on their citizenship status based on reasonable suspicion. This ignited social movements between both pro-immigration and anti-immigration supporters.  SB 1070 supporters argued it enforced the federal law at a state level. However, anti-SB1070 protesters, specifically Latinos, felt targeted as a group by the law because it promoted racial profiling by law enforcement. The signing of the bill by Governor Jan Brewer on April 23, 2010 instantly garnered national attention and brought its constitutionality into question. State Judge, John Noonan explains the issue, "For those sympathetic to immigrants to the United States, it is a challenge and a chilling foretaste of what other states might attempt. For those burdened by unlawful immigration, it suggests how a state could tackle that problem. It is not our function, however, to evaluate the statute as a symbol. We are asked to assess the constitutionality." (Arizona State Republic, Block on SB 1070 Upheld). Several major protests erupted in Arizona’s State Capitol shortly after its passage. Thousands of protesters marched five miles towards the state capitol on May 29, 2010 to protest against the controversial bill, making the city of Phoenix a catalyst for immigration protests throughout the nation.
The protest started at Steele Indian School Park and ended at the Arizona State Capitol Building located on 1700 W. Washington St, Phoenix, Arizona.  The protest recognized as “Alto Arizona” or “Stop Arizona” emphasized the bill as a stepping stone towards racialization because it portrayed all “Latino” people as being illegal; Thus, having the potential to bring change to the current racial formation of Latino citizens and illegal immigrants in America.  By passing the law, the Arizona State Government along with the majority of its citizens expressed to the nation their discontent and negative view towards Latino immigrants. Consequently, re-enforcing the barriers faced by undocumented immigrants in society; also known as, the Tercera Frontera (Third Border). This view was exposed in other states with the possibility of creating a negative image towards all Latinos in America. However, the immigrant rights activist fought back by creating a massive protest against Arizona policy. The State Capitol symbolized the struggle of Latino and immigrant identity in the United States creating a “Brown Spatial Imaginary”.  In conclusion, barriers set forth by the Tercera Frontera such as SB 1070 and other anti-immigrant policies continue to develop the consequence of being “brown” in America.
- Orlando Menjivar, Andrew Candelaria, and Chris Rutherford
References:

The Chandler Roundup


[photos and address pending]
“The only major ethnic profiling incident actually related to immigration” described by the US Senate, the Chandler Roundup was a law enforcement operation in which hundreds of suspected illegal immigrants were detained.  Known as Operation Restoration, this was a joint operation between federal authorities and the local police department. For five days in the summer of 1997 (July 27-31), officers patrolled Chandler asking individuals of Hispanic descent for proof of citizenship, and arresting those who could not provide that documentation.  A total of 432 Illegal immigrants were arrested and deported due to the efforts of Operation Restoration.  However, an issue arose when 91 formal complaints were filed by 71 individuals that were stopped by law enforcement officials.  These complaints consisted of civil right violations by law enforcement officials during this 5 day raid.  This operation took the City of Chandler through a handful of lawsuits which cost the city roughly $500,000 in settlements and a formal apology due to the violation of citizens’ rights. In addition Police chief Bobby Harris was reprimanded for the manner in which he conducted the raid, and it lead to a recall bid against the mayor and two fellow council members. Now with the Arizona SB 1070 bill, many people believe that this legislative act will enable law enforcement to re-enact the actions of the Chandler Roundup of 1997.  With the enforcement of federal law, it is required for illegal aliens to register with the United States Government, and to have registration documents in their possession at all times.  What the SB1070 Act also enforces is that it is a misdemeanor for an alien to be in Arizona without proper legal documents to show citizenship, but it also enables law enforcement to stop anyone without reasonable suspicion.  The concerns return to surface when critics say it encourages racial profiling, the exact same actions we have seen from the Chandler Roundup.  The dilemma is the fact that this new law (SB1070) will re-enact the same outcome on a bigger scale.  Current repercussions of the passing of this bill have led to protest in over 70 United States Cities including boycotts of Arizona businesses and of the state itself.   
- Chris Rutherford, Orlando Menjivar, and Andrew Candelario
 
References:

Sunday, May 1, 2011

Yavapai Indian Reservation

Yavapai Tribal Council (photo by Lysandra Whitlow, April 2011)
Yavapai Elementary School (photo by Lysandra Whitlow, April 2011)

Protest of Orme Dam construction (Source: http://www.ftmcdowell.org/communityevents/ormedam08/aboutod.htm)
[address pending]
The Yavapai Indian Reservation is located in Maricopa County Arizona. The reservation was created on September 15, 1903 and is home to about 300 residents. The Yavapai reservation is 40 square miles and is home to the Ft. McDowell Casino, a fire station, community center, and tribal council office. The Ft. McDowell Yavapai Indians are a strong community of people who’s motto is “never give up, always give back.” In the past years the Yavapai have been faced with, and overcame victoriously two major threats that made history and reaffirmed its tribal sovereignty, the proposal of the Orme Dam and the near shut down of Ft. McDowell casino.
In the Kent Decree of 1910 it limited the amount of water the Yavapai people would receive from the Salt River, even though it ignored federal rules that appropriated water to the Yavapai. Judge Kent who decided to limit the water did so because he felt it necessary to eventually move the Yavapai Indians from Ft. McDowell to the Salt River Reservations.  If Judge Kent successfully moved the Yavapai off their land to the Salt River Reservations, the water appropriated to the Yavapai would decrease considerably and would be inadequate to the land there which was uncultivated. There was also said to be a great possibility the water would be taxed. The Yavapai did not know their rights and therefore were subject to illegal threats to remove them from their land. In an account several Indians wrote congress saying, “their schools have been closed, they have been refused seed for planting, the dams and ditches condemned, and every inducement offered for them to leave their homes and take work on the railroads and other places where they must live in great labor camps…”(Coffeen, 352) In response the this the U.S. Secretary Ballinger wrote, “the department reiterates its belief that those who do not accept allotments [10 acres per person] of the irrigable lands at Salt River are standing in their own light, and it is hoped that they will soon see where their best interest lie.” (Coffeen, 352)  Eventually the government abandoned its policies and the reservation was able to stay intact. 
This was certainly not the last time the government threatened the land of the Yavapai. In the 1970’s the Arizona Government sought to build the Orme Dam. If the dam was built it would destroy acres of natural habitat that was home to the bald eagle, significant archeological sites, community’s homes, a new gymnasium, sacred burial grounds, and not to mention it would displace about 452 Yavapai Indians, mostly elders who would not survive without their community. Tribal members refused to sell Yavapai land in a vote 144 to 57against. The dam was not built even though the government was willing to offer them 33.5 million and 2,500 acres of land. In 1981 after years of struggle and a three day march to the Arizona capital the government gave up efforts to build the damn. Each year in memory of the dam not being built a tribal fair and rodeo is held. 
The threat of the Orme Damn was all before the Ft. McDowell Casino was built. The Ft. McDowell Casino is now how the Yavapai Indian reservation make most of its income. In the 1990’s there were many Casinos operating on Indian reservations that included Fort McDowell. To be in accordance with the federal 1988 Indian Gaming Regulatory Act each of the Indian tribes were waiting to sign contracts with the state so they could legally operate their casinos. The governor at the time didn’t want Indian operated gaming and unannounced raids on five casinos across the state took place. On May 13, 1992 FBI agents invaded the Ft. McDowell casino and try to seize 349 gaming machines. The community all saw it play out and at once they banned together to blockade the casino’s entrances with cars, trucks, and machinery. After a three week standoff the Arizona Governor signed the gaming compact and the tribe was able to operate the casino once again. Thanks to that day May 12 is a tribal holiday.               
Today the Yavapai Indian reservation is completely intact and the Casino is thriving. They still celebrate the Orme Dam victory days and the Casino standoff. The Yavapai People are resilient and celebrate their past as well as always preserving tradition and changing to meet the needs of today’s Yavapai people.
- Lysandra Whitlow, Brian Simpson, and Briana Tyson
Work Cited
"History & Culture." Http://www.ftmcdowell.org. Web. 24 Apr. 2011. http://www.ftmcdowell.org/history&culture/historyculture2.htm
ORME DAM THREATENS YAVAPAI. (1981, July). Cultural Survival Quarterly (1981-1989), 5(3), 24.  Retrieved April 26, 2011, from Ethnic NewsWatch: A History (ENWH). (Document ID: 505963991).
Coffeen, William R. "THE EFFECTS OF THE CENTRAL ARIZONA PROJECT ON THE FORT McDOWELL INDIAN COMMUNITY." Ethnohistory 19.4 (1972): 345. Historical Abstracts with Full Text. EBSCO. Web. 26 Apr. 2011.
Majenty, Rory. "27th Annual Orme Dam Victory Days—Celebrating “The Dam That Never Was”."Www.ftmcdowell.org. Web. 23 Apr. 2011. <http://www.ftmcdowell.org/communityevents/ormedam08/aboutod.htm>.